Ancient Roman Brutalism? This Tomb Defies Classical Expectations

Two thou­sand years before con­crete bru­tal­ism, this ancient Roman tomb built to hon­or a for­mer slave appears stag­ger­ing­ly mod­ern, but the real sto­ry reveals how labor, tech­nol­o­gy, and ambi­tion reshaped archi­tec­ture out­side Rome’s elite tra­di­tions.

Tomb of Mar­cus Vergilius Eurysaces, an ancient land­mark beside Rome’s Por­ta Mag­giore and one of the his­tor­i­cal entrances to the ancient capi­tol, sits like a mis­laid frag­ment of the twen­ti­eth cen­tu­ry: a sharply-defined mass of pale stone with unbe­liev­ably sim­ple geom­e­try and seem­ing­ly stub­born­ly indif­fer­ent to clas­si­cal grace. Yet it is a struc­ture with glob­al impor­tance, one of just a few sur­viv­ing exam­ples of funer­ary archi­tec­ture in Rome not made by its elite.

Its sur­faces are not smooth and insis­tent­ly lit­er­al, its geom­e­try based on rep­e­ti­tion rather than har­mo­ny. Vis­i­tors will imme­di­ate­ly notice the smooth columns, set down with­out any space between them, as well as the cylin­dri­cal recess­es right above them. To our mod­ern eyes, the ruin has more in com­mon with post­war civic infra­struc­ture or a con­crete silo than any­thing root­ed in the prin­ci­ples of Roman archi­tec­ture.

It reads uncan­ni­ly like a pro­to­type of bru­tal­ism, an often maligned syle of archi­tec­ture that fore­grounds mass, func­tion, and mate­r­i­al over beau­ty, sym­bol­ism over ele­gance, and pres­ence over per­sua­sion. Look­ing like a minia­ture com­bi­na­tion of Bertrand Gold­berg 1975 Pren­tice Hos­pi­tal and the Lauch­ham­mer Bio-tow­ers from 1958, the vis­i­tor would be for­giv­en for assum­ing that this was an ancient indus­tri­al struc­ture rather than a tomb, and they’d be part­ly right.

The mon­u­ment is gen­er­al­ly believed to date from 30–20 BC, a peri­od when Roman archi­tec­ture was increas­ing­ly cod­i­fied around Augus­tan ideals of order, pro­por­tion, and revived clas­si­cal taste. Against that back­drop, Eurysaces’ tomb looks like an instal­la­tion aggres­sive­ly out of time and space. Instead of Corinthi­an refine­ment or mytho­log­i­cal reliefs, the struc­ture is defined by a rhyth­mic series of large cir­cu­lar open­ings punched into its upper walls.

These voids, stacked and repeat­ed with mechan­i­cal reg­u­lar­i­ty, are min­i­mal and abstract in their pre­sen­ta­tion. Just above them, right where the tomb meets the sky, are thin reliefs, not of mytho­log­i­cal scenes (as was the cus­tom), but of sim­ple labor: vignettes from a large-scale bak­ery, a tes­ta­ment to the craft which gave the tomb’s own­er his wealth and free­dom. In fact, its believed the entire tomb was built to resem­ble an ancient dough knead­ing machine. The man the tomb is ded­i­cat­ed to was a bak­er. Nat­u­ral­ly, it is often unof­fi­cial­ly called the Tomb of the Bak­er.

The tomb is remark­ably well pre­served, with three of its orig­i­nal four façades sur­viv­ing large­ly intact due to an unusu­al his­tor­i­cal acci­dent: the con­struc­tion of the Aure­lian Walls in 271 AD, which com­plete­ly enclosed the mon­u­ment and pro­tect­ed it until 1838. Only then, dur­ing large-scale exca­va­tion and demo­li­tion works, was the tomb freed from the sur­round­ing mason­ry.

Its sculpt­ed frieze is a text­book exam­ple of what art his­to­ri­ans call the Roman “ple­beian style,” a non-elite artis­tic tra­di­tion asso­ci­at­ed par­tic­u­lar­ly with freed­men and span­ning rough­ly from the first cen­tu­ry BC to the fourth cen­tu­ry AD. This style favors sim­pli­fied, often blocky forms over clas­si­cal nat­u­ral­ism, priv­i­leg­ing clar­i­ty of nar­ra­tive and leg­i­bil­i­ty above refine­ment. Fig­ures are ren­dered with short, stocky pro­por­tions, sur­faces rely on incised lines rather than sub­tle mod­el­ing, and scenes fre­quent­ly depict every­day labor and dai­ly life rather than myth or hero­ic ide­al­iza­tion. For con­text, a close mod­ern equiv­a­lent in style and mind­set would be the Amer­i­can New Deal art of the 1930s.

With­in its imme­di­ate con­text, the tomb would have stood out sharply from neigh­bor­ing mon­u­ments due to its unusu­al mix of mate­ri­als and its high­ly uncon­ven­tion­al dec­o­ra­tive pro­gram, which is con­sis­tent­ly repeat­ed across all three sur­viv­ing sides. Struc­tural­ly, the mon­u­ment is built around a con­crete core filled with tuff (a form of rock made of con­sol­i­dat­ed vol­canic ash) and faced exter­nal­ly with traver­tine slabs.

Quar­ried local­ly near Rome, tuff forms the struc­tur­al base and con­tributes sig­nif­i­cant­ly to the monument’s sta­bil­i­ty, while the lighter-col­ored traver­tine pro­vides a more refined exte­ri­or sur­face that con­trasts in both tex­ture and tone with the rougher inter­nal mate­r­i­al. Mar­ble appears only spar­ing­ly, reserved for high-relief inscrip­tions and sculp­tur­al details, where its fin­er grain and white­ness add sub­tle visu­al empha­sis with­in an oth­er­wise util­i­tar­i­an mate­r­i­al palette.

The choice of traver­tine plays an impor­tant aes­thet­ic role beyond dura­bil­i­ty. Its nat­u­ral­ly pit­ted, hon­ey-col­ored sur­face cre­ates a rhyth­mic play of light and shad­ow that dis­tin­guish­es it from the smoother mar­ble insets, enrich­ing the monument’s visu­al com­plex­i­ty with­out the use of paint. This restrained yet tex­tu­ral­ly expres­sive approach to orna­men­ta­tion was atyp­i­cal for tombs and mon­u­ments of the peri­od, which more com­mon­ly relied either on plain mason­ry or on lav­ish import­ed mar­ble.

North­ern frieze on the Tomb of Eurysaces the Bak­er

The struc­ture, built atop a low, undec­o­rat­ed socle (a plain low block serv­ing as a foun­da­tion for a col­umn or wall), sup­ports engaged pilasters at the cor­ners and is capped by a crown­ing cor­nice. Togeth­er, the three sur­viv­ing façades, one side hav­ing been par­tial­ly demol­ished, form a box-like mass artic­u­lat­ed by strong hor­i­zon­tal and ver­ti­cal divi­sions that rein­force the tomb’s util­i­tar­i­an, almost mechan­i­cal char­ac­ter. Inter­nal­ly, the mon­u­ment is entire­ly sol­id, filled with con­crete, and con­tains no pre­served bur­ial cham­ber or acces­si­ble inte­ri­or space for urns, sug­gest­ing that any remains were housed either exter­nal­ly or with­in upper archi­tec­tur­al ele­ments that have since been lost to time.

In plan, the tomb takes the form of an irreg­u­lar trape­zoidal shape, with its most strik­ing dec­o­ra­tive ele­ment, a mul­ti-tiered frieze, wrap­ping around the upper por­tion of the struc­ture. This frieze is com­posed of mold­ed con­crete ele­ments designed to resem­ble equip­ment asso­ci­at­ed with bread pro­duc­tion. The cen­tral reg­is­ter fea­tures elon­gat­ed ver­ti­cal cylin­ders, min­i­mal­ly echo­ing Corinthi­an col­umn forms yet eeri­ly mod­ern in their sim­plic­i­ty.

Above this, the upper­most band con­sists of stacked hol­low tubes and square recess­es that evoke foculi, or small bak­ing ovens, and pis­to­ria, or knead­ing basins. These ele­ments were cast direct­ly in con­crete and left exposed rather than being cov­ered with a stone veneer, result­ing in a bold, three-dimen­sion­al orna­ment whose rough, indus­tri­al tex­ture con­trasts sharply with the smoother traver­tine below. The effect empha­sizes the monument’s indus­tri­al the­mat­ic focus through mate­r­i­al hon­esty rather than clas­si­cal embell­ish­ment, much like the bru­tal­ist styles of the late 20th cen­tu­ry.

Recon­struc­tions sug­gest that the upper lev­el of the tomb may once have sup­port­ed a gen­tly slop­ing roof, which has not sur­vived. Below, the undec­o­rat­ed socle gives way to the mid­dle reg­is­ter of tall ver­ti­cal cylin­ders, above which runs a nar­row inscrip­tion band bear­ing a Latin text: “Est hoc mon­i­men­tum margei [sic] vergilei eurysacis pis­toris redemp­toris apparet,” iden­ti­fy­ing the struc­ture as the mon­u­ment of Mar­cus Vergilius Eurysaces, bak­er, con­trac­tor, and pub­lic ser­vant.

The appear­ance of the monument’s miss­ing east­ern side remains a mat­ter of spec­u­la­tion. Dur­ing the 1838 demo­li­tion of the walls that had enclosed the tomb, archae­ol­o­gists uncov­ered a mar­ble relief depict­ing a man and a woman. The man wears a tunic and toga, while the woman is shown in a tunic and pal­la (a type of cloak asso­ci­at­ed with some women of that peri­od), gar­ments his­to­ri­ans asso­ciate with Roman cit­i­zens of ele­vat­ed social stand­ing. Their bod­ies turn slight­ly toward one anoth­er, a pose that strong­ly sug­gests a mar­i­tal rela­tion­ship.

The same exca­va­tions yield­ed a mar­ble inscrip­tion read­ing: “Fuit atis­tia uxor mihei fem­i­na opi­tu­ma veixsit quoius cor­poris reliquiae quod super­ant sunt in hoc panario,” which trans­lates to: “Atis­tia was my wife. She lived the life of an excel­lent woman. What remains of her body is in this bread­bas­ket.” Also near­by, a mar­ble urn sculpt­ed in the form of a bread­bas­ket (now lost) was dis­cov­ered, lead­ing most his­to­ri­ans to asso­ciate all three ele­ments: the relief, the inscrip­tion, and the urn, with Eurysaces and his house­hold.

At the same time, these finds raise doubts. All of the sculp­tur­al and inscribed ele­ments just described were made of mar­ble, where­as the bulk of Eurysaces’ mon­u­ment relies on sim­ple traver­tine. More­over, exca­va­tions in the area sur­round­ing the tomb have yield­ed six addi­tion­al epi­taphs belong­ing to oth­er bak­ers, includ­ing one com­mem­o­rat­ing a female bak­er, a pistrix. All of these date to the late first cen­tu­ry BC, the same peri­od dur­ing which Eurysaces erect­ed his mon­u­ment. While Eurysaces’ tomb is by far the most elab­o­rate and impos­ing of these bak­er­ly memo­ri­als, he would also have been the indi­vid­ual most finan­cial­ly capa­ble of com­mis­sion­ing cost­ly mar­ble sculp­ture along­side his pri­mar­i­ly traver­tine struc­ture.

So what, then, can be inferred about Eurysaces from this accu­mu­la­tion of evi­dence? One of the first clues lies in his name, which is unmis­tak­ably Greek in ori­gin. While the pres­ence of Greeks in Rome dur­ing the late first cen­tu­ry BC was entire­ly unre­mark­able, the absence of any patronymic for­mu­la, no claim to be “the son of” a named father, strong­ly sug­gests that Eurysaces had once been enslaved and lat­er freed, becom­ing a lib­er­tus, or freed­man. His eman­ci­pa­tion was like­ly tied to his pro­fes­sion­al suc­cess as a bak­er, a read­ing that aligns neat­ly with the monument’s over­whelm­ing empha­sis on bread pro­duc­tion.

This inter­pre­ta­tion is fur­ther rein­forced by Eurysaces’ self-iden­ti­fi­ca­tion in the inscrip­tion as a redemp­tor, or oth­er­wise a state con­trac­tor, a role that would have required both tech­ni­cal exper­tise and sub­stan­tial orga­ni­za­tion­al capac­i­ty. Addi­tion­al­ly, the omis­sion of the let­ter L or “Lib” in his name on his funer­ary inscrip­tion, as was the cus­tom for freed slaves then, is like­ly not an over­sight, but an inten­tion­al rejec­tion of the same cus­tom, pos­si­bly Eurysaces declar­ing he is not defined by his for­mer sta­tus, a stig­ma that fol­lowed many of his fel­low freed­men for life.

In Roman soci­ety, it was com­mon for high­ly skilled enslaved work­ers to be grant­ed free­dom and Roman cit­i­zen­ship, only to con­tin­ue work­ing in the same pro­fes­sion for their for­mer own­ers. If Eurysaces had orig­i­nal­ly belonged to the impe­r­i­al house­hold, or at least to some­one with­in Augus­tus’ elite cir­cle, it would explain his sub­se­quent posi­tion over­see­ing bak­ing oper­a­tions on behalf of the state. Under Augus­tus, the rationed dis­tri­b­u­tion of free grain and bread to Rome’s cit­i­zens became a cen­tral pil­lar of pub­lic pol­i­cy. Eurysaces’ prob­a­ble involve­ment in this sys­tem would also clar­i­fy why he describes him­self in his epi­taph as a pub­lic ser­vant, a des­ig­na­tion that goes beyond mere pri­vate enter­prise.

Addi­tion­al sup­port for this inter­pre­ta­tion appears in the monument’s nar­ra­tive frieze, which pre­serves at least thir­ty-one fig­ures engaged in labor, dressed either in short tunics or shown bare-chest­ed, along­side eleven offi­cials iden­ti­fi­able by their togas and the record tablets they car­ry. Tak­en togeth­er, these scenes focus less on the act of bak­ing itself than on the inspec­tion, mea­sure­ment, and ver­i­fi­ca­tion of qual­i­ty and quan­ti­ty at each stage of pro­duc­tion.

Such over­sight is pre­cise­ly what would be expect­ed of a state con­trac­tor. Although no indi­vid­ual fig­ure can be secure­ly iden­ti­fied as Eurysaces, the imagery makes clear that the bak­ery depict­ed oper­at­ed on a vast, indus­tri­al scale, sub­ject to con­tin­u­ous super­vi­sion by rep­re­sen­ta­tives of the state, one of which would have been the man him­self.

The full nar­ra­tive sequence of the frieze, though par­tial­ly lost, can still be recon­struct­ed. It appears to begin on the monument’s south side with the arrival of grain at a work­shop. Read from right to left, the scene shows the receipt and record­ing of the grain before it is milled into flour using a don­key-pow­ered mill. The flour is then sieved and inspect­ed for qual­i­ty.

South­ern frieze on the tomb, depict­ing the receipt, record­ing, and milling of the grain.

Rather than con­tin­u­ing seam­less­ly around the struc­ture, the nar­ra­tive resumes on the north side, again mov­ing from right to left, where a horse-dri­ven knead­ing machine is shown in oper­a­tion, fol­lowed by scenes of dough being shaped and baked in an oven. Although the far left of the north­ern frieze is not ful­ly pre­served, the sequence con­tin­ues on the west side, where fin­ished loaves are trans­port­ed in bas­kets, weighed, logged, and car­ried away.

Giv­en this pre­cise nar­ra­tive and Eurysaces’ explic­it pride in nam­ing him­self a pis­tor, or bak­er, the curi­ous cylin­dri­cal forms that line the monument’s façade are almost cer­tain­ly linked to bread­mak­ing. Their exact func­tion has long been debat­ed. Pro­pos­als have ranged from grain mea­sures and stor­age ves­sels to oven vents, but the pre­vail­ing view iden­ti­fies them as rep­re­sen­ta­tions of mechan­i­cal knead­ing machines, like those shown in the frieze itself. Archae­o­log­i­cal evi­dence from sites such as Pom­peii and Ostia sup­ports this inter­pre­ta­tion, as exca­vat­ed knead­ing devices from these cities close­ly resem­ble the forms depict­ed on Eurysaces’ tomb.

Fur­ther con­fir­ma­tion lies with­in the cylin­ders them­selves. Each hol­low form con­tains a small square recess at the back, often dis­col­ored by rust, sug­gest­ing that a met­al fit­ting was once mount­ed there. This pro­ject­ing ele­ment, now lost, would have been essen­tial to the oper­a­tion of a mechan­i­cal knead­er, like­ly serv­ing as part of the turn­ing mech­a­nism for the dough. At the time the tomb was con­struct­ed, such machines were rel­a­tive­ly recent tech­no­log­i­cal inno­va­tions. Eurysaces’ deci­sion to mon­u­men­tal­ize them implies a delib­er­ate desire to show­case his embrace of new, effi­cien­cy-enhanc­ing tech­nol­o­gy and to asso­ciate him­self with the van­guard of large-scale, mech­a­nized pro­duc­tion.

Evi­dence for the phys­i­cal loca­tion of such an enter­prise exists just south of the tomb itself. Archae­o­log­i­cal inves­ti­ga­tions con­duct­ed between 1838 and 1842, and again from 1954 to 1956, uncov­ered a sub­stan­tial milling com­plex in the imme­di­ate area. The site con­tained two large halls and, near­by, at least sev­en ani­mal-pow­ered mills, along with mul­ti­ple grind­ing stones, basins, and large stor­age jars known as dolia.

This com­plex appears to have been in oper­a­tion from at least the mid–first cen­tu­ry BC, rough­ly con­tem­po­rary with the con­struc­tion of Eurysaces’ mon­u­ment, until 52 AD, when it was dis­man­tled to make way for the con­struc­tion of new aque­ducts. Although no ovens were iden­ti­fied dur­ing the exca­va­tions, the pres­ence of an indus­tri­al flour mill, com­bined with funer­ary inscrip­tions for at least six oth­er bak­ers from the same peri­od found near­by, strong­ly sug­gests a con­cen­trat­ed zone of large-scale bread pro­duc­tion rather than mere coin­ci­dence.

This tomb belongs to a broad­er phe­nom­e­non of lav­ish funer­ary mon­u­ments com­mis­sioned by for­mer slaves liv­ing in the Roman Empire. Free­dom might be award­ed by a mas­ter in recog­ni­tion of excep­tion­al ser­vice or pur­chased through a peculi­um, the per­son­al earn­ings enslaved indi­vid­u­als were some­times allowed to accu­mu­late. Even after man­u­mis­sion, freed­men typ­i­cal­ly remained bound by oblig­a­tions to their for­mer own­ers, as was like­ly the case for Eurysaces. Nev­er­the­less, their pro­fes­sions were a source of pride, since skilled labor was often the very means by which free­dom had been attained. For this rea­son, freed­men fre­quent­ly invest­ed in con­spic­u­ous tombs such as that of Eurysaces.

Lack­ing estab­lished ances­tral lin­eages out­side of their for­mer mas­ters’ fam­i­lies, a crit­i­cal mark­er of sta­tus in Roman soci­ety, these mon­u­ments may have func­tioned as delib­er­ate attempts to inau­gu­rate a fam­i­ly his­to­ry, cre­at­ing a vis­i­ble and endur­ing lega­cy for future gen­er­a­tions to return to and wit­ness, like­ly why some­thing as stig­mat­ic as the let­ter L was com­plete­ly miss­ing from the final tes­ta­ment to the bak­er’s achieve­ments in life.

The tomb was lat­er absorbed into Rome’s defen­sive infra­struc­ture when it was direct­ly incor­po­rat­ed into the for­ti­fi­ca­tions of the Aure­lian Walls. Over time, the mon­u­ment became part of the city’s phys­i­cal fab­ric and, by the third cen­tu­ry AD, was large­ly buried beneath lay­ers of sed­i­ment and struc­tur­al infill. This process of inte­gra­tion inad­ver­tent­ly pre­served much of the tomb while remov­ing it from pub­lic view for cen­turies. Sub­se­quent alter­ations, includ­ing the con­struc­tion of addi­tion­al bas­tions under Emper­or Hon­o­rius in the ear­ly fifth cen­tu­ry AD, fur­ther obscured the orig­i­nal form of the mon­u­ment beneath accu­mu­lat­ed urban debris.

Eurysaces’ tomb occu­pies a high­ly strate­gic site at the junc­tion of two major ancient roads, the Via Lab­i­cana and the Via Praen­esti­na, both of which led direct­ly into Rome. The struc­ture ris­es rough­ly 33 feet, or about 10 meters, above the orig­i­nal ground lev­el and today stands in the shad­ow of the much larg­er Por­ta Praen­esti­na, now known as the Por­ta Mag­giore, erect­ed in 52 AD under Emper­or Claudius to car­ry the Aqua Clau­dia and Anio Novus aque­ducts over­head.

Although the tomb’s trape­zoidal foot­print may ini­tial­ly appear irreg­u­lar, the form reflects a prag­mat­ic response to the con­strained wedge of land between the two roads. This area lay just out­side the city’s sacred bound­ary, with­in which adult buri­als were pro­hib­it­ed, and was there­fore dense­ly pop­u­lat­ed with funer­ary mon­u­ments. Eurysaces’ choice of loca­tion under­scores his desire for vis­i­bil­i­ty: any­one enter­ing or leav­ing Rome along these prin­ci­pal routes would have been forced to con­front his mon­u­ment and thus his life’s con­tri­bu­tions to the city of Rome.

The tomb was redis­cov­ered in 1838 dur­ing the demo­li­tion of the Hono­ri­an bas­tions at the Por­ta Mag­giore, a project ordered by Pope Gre­go­ry XVI as part of broad­er efforts to improve cir­cu­la­tion and urban plan­ning in the area. Exca­va­tions car­ried out between 1838 and 1842 under the direc­tion of the archae­ol­o­gist Lui­gi Can­i­na sys­tem­at­i­cal­ly exposed the struc­ture. Can­i­na doc­u­ment­ed the tomb’s trape­zoidal base, which had been embed­ded with­in the foun­da­tions of the gate, and record­ed its unusu­al archi­tec­tur­al fea­tures through detailed mea­sure­ments and draw­ings.

His find­ings demon­strat­ed that the monument’s sur­vival owed much to its durable con­crete core and traver­tine fac­ing, which had allowed it to func­tion as a struc­tur­al nucle­us with­in medieval and ear­ly mod­ern for­ti­fi­ca­tions. Mirac­u­lous­ly, Pope Gre­go­ry XVI allowed it to remain stand­ing, where it has remained to this day as one of Rome’s many ancient land­marks.

The tomb and the Por­ta Mag­giore behind it.

Every­thing we know, and pos­si­bly will ever know, about Eurysaces him­self is derived from this sin­gle mon­u­ment. More sig­nif­i­cant­ly, the tomb stands as the most impor­tant visu­al record of bread pro­duc­tion in the Roman world. In prac­ti­cal terms, it has con­tributed more to mod­ern under­stand­ing of how bak­ing func­tioned under Roman rule than any sur­viv­ing lit­er­ary descrip­tion. The reliefs pre­serve process­es, tools, and orga­ni­za­tion­al struc­tures that ancient texts either ignore or men­tion only in pass­ing, mak­ing the tomb not mere­ly com­mem­o­ra­tive but doc­u­men­tary.

The mon­u­ment serves as a dec­la­ra­tion of the craft as much as of the man. It makes no effort to dis­guise or embell­ish its mate­r­i­al through sur­face orna­ment. The stone is allowed to exist on its own terms, with­out applied tex­ture, illu­sion­is­tic carv­ing, or dec­o­ra­tive refine­ment. In this respect, the tomb antic­i­pates lat­er archi­tec­tur­al atti­tudes that would prize mate­r­i­al hon­esty and exposed struc­ture. Much like bru­tal­ist architecture’s infa­mous use of con­crete, the Tomb of the Bak­er com­mu­ni­cates its mean­ing direct­ly, with­out aes­thet­ic medi­a­tion.

While not quite bru­tal­ism in any strict sense, the mon­u­ment is no less rad­i­cal. It remains an entire­ly sin­gu­lar exam­ple of mimet­ic archi­tec­ture in the ancient world. In its own time, it must have been star­tling. Even today, the idea of encoun­ter­ing a tomb shaped like an indus­tri­al dough mix­er would feel jar­ring­ly out of place in a ceme­tery, no less provoca­tive now than Eurysaces’ mon­u­ment would have been two thou­sand years ago.

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